International Question Time

Kate Allen, the UK Director of Amnesty International, was kind enough to sit down with Labourhome for a few minutes and offer some insight into how the Deputy Leadership hopefuls performed. She also offered her thoughts on the direction of foreign policy under a Gordon Brown administration, what the Labour party needs to work on, and how non-governmental organisations (like Amnesty) are also playing strategic roles as early-warning indicators in trying to highlight flare-ups around the world.
The event was hosted by Amnesty International UK, Human Rights Watch, Oxfam and Save The Children. In the last 10 years the host organisations have pressed for a UK foreign policy based firmly on human rights, humanitarian law and social justice.

Arms Control

Iran

Palestine

Darfur

Iraq

Guantanamo Bay

Candidates Heroes

International Aid

Straw polls before and after the event asked attendees for their Deputy Leadership choice.


Candidate Before After
Hilary Benn 52% 19%
Hazel Blears* 1% 0%
Jon Cruddas 12.5% 24%
Peter Hain 10% 15%
Harriet Harman 12.5% 38%
Alan Johnson* 11.5% 3%
*Did not attend
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Re: International Question Time (#1)

Sorry about the sound, chaps!

Re: International Question Time (#2)

As both a member of Amnesty, a Trade Unionist and a third year student writing my dissertation on the Arms Trade; the set of questions on this issue in the interview leave me with many aspects unanswered.

First of all, Cruddas and Harman seem to accept the argument that there is a significant risk to jobs should the UK stop arms exporters. The 'British American Security Council' in fact concluded that " Arms exports do not benefit the UK economy of Jobs". Furthermore Emma Mathew's 2005 paper ' A dead giveaway ' shows that between 1996 and 2001 the UK employment in Arms manufacture fell by 60% without a dicernable economic affect. Furthermore she shows that they do not make up a significant part of our trade or employment as a nation. They are 0.24% of all UK jobs, or 1.7% of manufacturing jobs; and are only 1.6% of all visible UK exports (down from 3.3% as a Cold War minimum). With this kind of academic argument countering these claims, I really am not sure what to make of the 'economic' costs of stopping certain arms contracts. 

The second major issue I have with the answers in this interview is the fact that Peter Hain said that arms are not exported to nations where they are used for external aggression or internal oppression. This is wrong. 

A major international agreement is the ‘Framework Agreement Concerning Measures to Facilitate the Restructuring and Operation of the European Defence Industry’, signed by Britain and other leading arms exporters on 27<sup>th</sup> July 2000, which established a set of guidelines for arms export. Under this agreement, signatories collaborating on arms projects can swap lists of desired recipients which are not open to public or parliamentary scrutiny; furthermore it agreed that the export licensing procedure only applied to the nation in which the components were manufactured and not the nation in which the company is based (Burrows, 2002, p.21). This clause means that the government can let British companies export to banned countries, through offshore manufacturing or selling to a ‘safe’ nation before re-sale to a final recipient, and avoid ethical dilemmas and any economic repercussions in the form of job losses or outsourcing. (ie, Military Land Rovers which have appeared in Sudan can be 'sold' to, for example, Turkey; and passed on to Sudan.)

The choice between ethics and economics is a recurring theme in policial decisions about arms licenses. For example, in 1997 there were £160 million of export licenses for Hawk aircraft to Indonesia, granted under the Conservative government, but awaiting delivery in 1997; as well as a £100 million contract with Alvis for scorpion armoured vehicles and water cannon. Revoking the licenses would mean the government had to compensate the companies for the cost of the goods, but revoking licenses is possible under EU agreements. In the event, the government decided to apply its rules only to new licenses and not to revoke those in existence, despite there being no guidelines stopping them following through on their ethical foreign policy and public commitments to change the situation (Phythian, 2000, p.295). The decision was a simple choice between morals and economic gains. Despite the promise of future limits and scrutiny of arms exports, in its first year in office, the government granted 56 Military Arms export licenses to Indonesia and blocked only 7, including an order for sniper rifles and armoured land rovers valued at only £1million (Phythian, 2000, p.297). This, in a period when they were used for the suppression of the indeigenous people of East Timor. The struggle of whom Britain later supported.

 I appologise for a lenghly and possibly unweildy argument, but it is merely two of a series of issues which have dogged my studies and dissertation from their outset and wondered if there were any pearls of wisom out there...