The Crisis

It is time for us to be pretty blunt and self-critical as a party, and some big decisions and changes are necessary.  The crisis in the party and the government has reached a critical point, and waiting it out is no longer an option.

Let us be absolutely frank about the origins of this crisis.

From 1994 onwards, people in the Labour Party have sought to move away from our traditional reliance on money from our members and from trade unions (money that is clean, democratic and public) to money from wealthy individuals (money that is too often dodgy, questionable - at best - and secretive).  The reason for this move has been political and ideological.  Part of the New Labour project was always to break the link with the unions, and the Blair team felt that replacing a reliance on union funding with a reliance on private funding was the future.  Becoming a party that, like the Tories, was funded by wealthy individuals, would help it distance itself from its past and its position at the heart of the labour movement, into being a new, one-nation party, friend of big business and capital. 

This caused problems for us from the outset.  Remember Bernie Ecclestone?  But in Blair's early period the memory of Tory sleaze and the Teflon Tony phenomena meant that the mud didn't stick.  It is only in the context of policy errors and disasters that this fundamental ideological funding error has begun to prove disastrous for us as a party.

As confidence and trust in the government was shaken by a series of events - Iraq and the weapons of mass destruction; the breaking of manifesto pledges (just how had we "legislated to prevent" top-up fees?); an increasing number of blunders and competence questions - the spotlight was thrown on funding and first the cash for peerages, and now the dodgy donations scandal have left the Labour government we have spent our lives working for in very serious danger.

Even if it were to be shown that people acted in good faith in this business, and nobody knowingly broke the law (something which it is actually quite hard to believe) it is the culture at the centre of the party which needs to be revolutionised if we are to prevent this sort of thing from ever happening again.

There needed to be a much more fundamental change at the end of the Blair era.  As such it was an historic mistake - one which the PLP must bear responsibility for - to avoid a leadership contest and facilitate the much-yearned-for 'dignified handover' - a process which signalled to people inside and outside the party: 'business as usual'.  That's in the past and cannot now be put right, but there are things that can be done:

A cap on spending at elections is essential.
A very low cap on individuals' donations should be examined very seriously as well.

Jon Mendelson and anybody else associated with this big money culture needs to go. 

Any undeclared issues about funding must come out now, and not be allowed to drip out over the coming weeks.  There does not have to be a general election until 2010; this situation CAN be recovered, but it is not going to be easy, and there may have to be more bloodletting before we can start the rebuilding.

As for the rebuilding - this can't just be on party funding issues.  Brown has got to put a stronger and more diverse team around him: if he continues to be the only dominant figure in government then he risks bringing the whole government down every time he opens his mouth.  We have a much greater reservoir of talent on the Labour benches than the Tories or the Liberals have, but we are currently using it very ill.  A major reshuffle is required.

We can't afford too many more weeks like the last few.



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Re: The Crisis (#1)

Some good points, but some things to disagree with there.


Firstly, I think using the word 'crisis' is too strong. Our severe dip in the polls is nothing which cannot be recovered.


With regards to funding, I don't support a cap on spending but I do believe that parties should only be able to raise money through donations by members (max. of £5000 per year) and get the rest from state funding.


Also, a reshuffle of any kind so soon after Brown put his new cabinet in place is not particularly desirable - it would look like a 'night of the long knives' less than six months into his premiership.

Re: The Crisis (#2)

You may well be right about a reshuffle - it certainly shouldn't be done immediately as it would be completely inappropriate if it were to seem as if anybody shuffled out was being blamed for the current problems.

I completely agree that we can recover from the 'severe dip' (as I stated above) but I'm not sure 'crisis' is putting it too strongly.  I think we have to demonstrate that we're taking it seriously and not just doing the minimum damage limitation because we were caught.

I disagree with you about state funding, but I think that's being played out on a seperate thread.

Re: The Crisis (#4)

It is a major dip in the polls though - I hope we didn't reach our 'high point' back in September/October, when we could have had an election called!

Re: The Crisis (#7)

The 'none of these' seem to have it. All those mentioned are non Cabinet material  and Blunkett can never ever be trusted again. Bring back Clarke and Milburn. A reshuffle probably yes, in March. I'm not sure what Hoon or Jacqui Smith are actually doing in Cabinet. I did say that Brown has a year to prove himself. If in June we are still down in the polls then we need a new PM and a complete sweep of the old guard, if we are ever to recover our fortunes, with Milliband as the Leader.

Re: The Crisis (#32)

You're right NM on the poll dip not being a 'crisis' but apply your own logic to the reshuffle and you'll see 'night of the long knives' is hyperbole too. Regrettably, changes may have to be made at cabinet level.

Re: The Crisis (#3)

Almost no point discussing this till we hear what the  NEC has decided to do, tomorrow.

I will maintain though, that I can't see how the government can recover with the Blair-continuum policy focus it retains.  Technical tax tinkering and a menu of unpopular policies do not a recovery make.

Re: The Crisis (#6)

There is every point discussing this because we are unlikely to hear anything coherent from the NEC.

Where are the regular reports on their meetings?  Dried up since Sept.

It is the NEC who have a Treasurer who for the second scandal running does not know what is going on.   What is the point of the role if the individual holding it cannot/will not do his job?   An "Honourary" Treasurer ends up with us in a dishonourable position.

A fish rots from the head down is the theme in one cartoon.   Our NEC is an utter disgrace to have let these funding scandals persist.  

Our "member elected" NEC people say that the union votes block reform!  So much for clean union money if its effects are to block democracy in the party. 

Re: The Crisis (#5)

Has anyone had any thoughts about a US-type plan, whereby any individual can donate up to a maximum of just over a thousand pounds per election cycle? I realise that Britain doesn't have an overly generous political-fund-raising culture, but surely a thousand people donating a thousand pounds is a lot better for our democracy when compared to one individual wielding substantial power with their million pound donation? A bit Howard Dean-esque, but wouldn't that be better than having state-subsidised campaigns?

Re: The Crisis (#8)

I think this has more to do with getting state funding back on the burner.


I doubt Labour is interested in bowing down to the Unions anymore and want to make a clean break.


It's been coming for sometime now ever since Blair in 1997 stated he wanted an independent party, just before asking for millions to pay off debts.


I think if state funding is coming it would be better for the Unions to look at re forming a Labour movement with perhaps another party.


I know people will say it will never happen I think it will.

Re: The Crisis (#10)

That can only be feasible post- electoral reform - PR, basically. If a Left party, like many European nations have, could potentially get somewhere, I think that would benefit us Labour supporters. Labour seriously needs competition from the left.

Re: The Crisis (#9)

What concerns us that candidates for election to internally elected posts should feel the need to solicit donations from businessmen. Surely, such campaigns should be funded from the membership. 

Anyway, we believe that perhaps the answer to all these financial problems is money from public funds. This is going to be one big mountain to climb as the public needs to be convinced of the need for public funding of political parties but if this also means no more big business or multi millionaires funding nor trade union funding then perhaps the public might accept such a project.

Re: The Crisis (#14)

I think that Trade Union funding is more important than just raising funds: it makes us the only genuinely mass party in Britain, and keeps us at the heart of the labour movement.  A debate about the union link is one I'm sure everyone on the side of keeping it is prepared to have (because we're confident we'll win in the party) but should not be sneeked into a debate about 'donorgate' or state funding.

Re: The Crisis (#11)

It's bad, but not quite a crisis. Those who don't agree that all is lost should not be accused of sticking their heads in the sand, and we shouldn't assume that this is the Major govt being played out all over again. History just doesn't repeat itself like that.


I don't agree that the events of the past fortnight are a reason to dump the post 94 "New Labour" direction and go looking for some golden age of Labour that will have the broad appeal some imagine it will have. We need to appeal to the centre ground - particularly in the South East - where elections are won and lost. Core support won't do it. 

Re: The Crisis (#12)

I wholeheartedly agree with wgm's post above.

There has always been an unreconstructed element of this party who, even after thirteen years, have never come to terms with New Labour, and the need to adopt practical policies with appeal to the broad mass of the general public.

We've got a few of them in our CLP - four or five people who turn up at every meeting relaying, at length, the multiple grievances of the four or five people who attend their union branch meetings. They talk a lot but speak for hardly anyone (and you'll NEVER see most of them out leafleting either).

No doubt this segment of the party will be coming out of the woodwork and trying to make political capital out of the Government's travails. I saw John McDonnell on one of the TV news programmes the other night holding forth about donorgate. He sounded just like a Tory MP!

I certainly hope they don't succeed. The purpose of the Labour party is to deliver prosperity, opportunity and security for the people. You do that by having practical policies and being in Government, not by being an electoral pressure group for an ever-shrinking core constituency of public sector trade unionists and the urban poor.

Re: The Crisis (#13)

I'm sorry, but I think you're at quite a remove from the real world: do you really think that New Labour policies have been appealing to 'the broad mass of the general public' lately?  Nobody is trying to make political capital from this - nobody in the party, at any rate - we're trying to salvage it.  Feel free to disagree with the analysis and put forward your own, but putting your head in the sand and pretending that everything is rosy and the only problem in our party is an 'unreconstructed element' is absurd.  There is an unreconstructed element - an element of unreconstructed Blairites who are determined to push on with 'the project' however much damage it is doing.

Yes, this does appear to be showing some serious dividing lines, and they are more complex than left/right ones.  I've heard several people use this crisis to come out and call for an end to the union link.  Fine, I'm prepared to have that debate (as I think such a move would be hugely unpopular in the party and you will lose), but if anyone thinks that it helps the current situation then they're deluded.  That's trying to make political capital.  Saying we need to put our house in order is not.

Re: The Crisis (#16)

I agree Dunc, and I think these are dangerous times.  The more I think about it the more I believe that this is a golden opportunity for Brown to break the link with the unions.  It was never going to be simple beforehand as the unions could always go off and support another party - new or otherwise, but if new laws about funding result in no union involvement in ANY party then Brown will have done Thatcher's unfinished work!

As for the "ever diminishing poor", poster Joe - where have you been?


Re: The Crisis (#22)

Curlew, I am making the point that demographic and economic change has shrunk our core vote and continues to do so.

I am a member in Liverpool. At the 1979 election, there were eight parliamentary constituencies in the City of Liverpool. At the 2009 election, there will be just four constituencies wholly within the city, plus one straddling the boundary with the neighbouring borough of Knowsley.

Heavy industry has declined; state-owned industries have been privatised; union membership has been halved since the late 70's.

And yes, we have dealt with poverty; through a range of measures such as tax credits, urban regeneration and through sound economic management. Of course there is a lot to do, but when I compare my city with the way it was ten years ago, it's clear we have come a long way with Labour.

Re: The Crisis (#26)

I will agree that we have come a long way with Labour Joe, but I think we could go much further.  Big city bonuses for one - the endowment scandals to name just one result of this.  Brown seems happy for big business (esp. finance houses) to say heads we win tails you lose. How much of today's improved lifestyles are down to the position on the economic curve and to cheap imports from underpaid globalised workers? 

There's no such thing as wealth creation - if someone gets rich then someone else gets poorer.

Curlew(accountant :-)

Re: The Crisis (#27)

There's no such thing as wealth creation - if someone gets rich then someone else gets poorer.

Please tell me you don't believe this Curlew...

Re: The Crisis (#28)

Okay, so we're going to spin off-topic here.  But wealth, fundamentally, represents a resource on this planet. With an ever-growing population, resources are dwindling - they cannot be created (see Newtons' 1st law of thermodynamics) only moved around or converted.  In double entry book-keeping every credit has a matching debit. These aren't beliefs they are facts.

Wealth creation is a Thatcher marketing tool to give the greedy a good feeling about themselves.

Re: The Crisis (#29)

With wealth creation then everyone should benefit, so no one should get the poorer. Wealth creation provides the jobs to produce the goods that pay peoples wages and keep the economy afloat; without that driving force things would remain at a standstill.
Wealth creation requires either the Govt or entrepeneurs to take the risk of creating a climate of productivity and entreprise.

Re: The Crisis (#30)

Curlew, there's so much wrong with that I don't know where to start.

Wealth is not a finite resource - it does not stay still over time. Do you seriously think that the total wealth in the world today is exactly the same as the total wealth the day the Earth began?


Trying to think of wealth in terms comparable to say oil or coal is simply wrong. Wealth does not get 'used up' if one person has it, unlike oil.

And trying to bring physics into economics is a bit daft. Read Malthus' Theory on Population and understand how he was proven wrong. He believed that if population continued to grow, living standards could never rise. The industrial revolution changed all that.

There most certainly is such a thing as wealth creation. One person getting wealthy does not automatically make someone else poorer. It doesn't necessarily make them richer either, but that's another story.

Re: The Crisis (#33)

If you take a minute or two to think about what wealth is you'll see it represents a resource.  Be it food, shelter or mp3 players.

Re: The Crisis (#34)

And labour

Re: The Crisis (#17)

Dunc, it's fair to criticise Joe if you wish, but you're doing exactly the same thing by making comments like "There is an unreconstructed element - an element of unreconstructed Blairites who are determined to push on with 'the project' however much damage it is doing."

Damage? Dunc, you know as well as I do that this 'New Labour' government has been the most successful Labour government we've ever had.

Just because polls dip down after ten and a half years in power does not in any way justify saying that New Labour hasn't worked. It has worked and very successfully too. If Brown manages to sort out these crises (which admittedly is a big ask) we could even win a fourth term. Goodness knows 'Old Labour' had it's fair share of crises to deal with.

Re: The Crisis (#19)

I think you know what I meant.  I am not questioning the success of the government (although I dispute that it's the most successful we've ever had; I think we achieved more 45-51 despite being for a shorter space of time); I question the motives of some who sought to build a new party.

I am not nostalgic for some golden age; I don't dispute the crises of 'Old Labour' nor have any reason to wish to do so.  Personally I feel we have had some brilliant achievements despite the best efforts of some at the heart of New Labour - I don't expect you to agree with that, but that's my view.   You also have to move with the times: if you want to wrestle with Dave Cameron on the centre-right then Cameron may well win - I don't think he's very substantial, but he almost doesn't have to be, he just has to convince people that he'll carry out the same policies with more competence and integrity (a lesson he has learnt at the feet of a master).  We need to explain why Tory policies are wrong, because - after ten and a half years - people are not going to choose us as their preferred conduit of broadly the same policies.

It is my assertion - and I posted it here to have the debate, so I'm pleased to discuss it with you - is that it is the New Labour project and its unique character that has caused this particular crisis, both in it's changed approach to the collection of funds and in its changed relationship with big business.

I don't post this in despair.  I agree we could win a fourth term.  But we won't win it like this.

Re: The Crisis (#20)

So how on earth do you think we would win it? By following your way of pre-Blair thinking? Do you honestly think if a man like McDonnell was in charge of the party we'd still be in government? It would be an absolute disaster just like it was in the 1980's.

It makes me despair to see such short-sightedness in the Labour party and to see people so out of touch with reality.

I'm perplexed how you can think 'changing with the times' involves turning back the clock to follow policies which we had under Kinnock and Hattersley. Those days are over Dunc and will never return.

Re: The Crisis (#21)

I can't see us agreeing on this, but your argument is flawed on a lot of levels. First, Labour wasn't led by 'a man like McDonnell' in the 1980s, so the comparison is bizarre.  Second, I am not a supporter of Kinnock or Hattersley (I occasionally like the odd article Roy writes, I suppose) and don't want the policies to be remotely like theirs.  The LRC has developed a very thorough alternative set of policies that are not 'old' policies, but new ones addressing society as it is today.  You, of course, disagree with them, and let's have that debate, but let's discuss actual policies on their merits, not strawmen and myths (and preferably let's debate them on a different thread, as it is a bit of a tangent!)  I've no desire to engage in counter-factuals, but do you think things would be worse if McDonnell had been elected leader?  Or if he'd faired well in a contest and Brown had felt the need to have a more balanced team?  Clearly, from your perspective it would not have been better, but it's hard to imagine - from the perspective of popularity, etc. - that it would have been much worse!

The interesting thing, of course, is that I've said very little about policies (I concede I've made it clear that I've disagreed with some policies, but my remarks have been much more focused on political culture, party structures and strategies); it seems that you are happier attacking what you assume my policy preferences to be, than you are defending the political culture of New Labour's inner circle.

Re: The Crisis (#23)

Anyone who thinks that McDonnell and his Gang of Two would have fared any better than luckless Gordon needs their brains examined. At least Gordon has some modicum of experience behind him; McDonnell has nothing but empty words and promises; a calamity would have been turned into a disaster with the vacuous McDonnell at the helm.

Re: The Crisis (#24)

I fail to see how your opinion of John McDonnell offers any light on this business at all.

Care to comment on the actual problem?

Re: The Crisis (#25)

do you think things would be worse if McDonnell had been elected leader?

Yes! Things would be catastrophic. We are roughly on 30% now, with McDonnell in charge, we'd drop to around 20% I'd bet.

He's a nice man but his policies and beliefs are just not suitable or practical for today's world. The idea that he would ever be leader is unthinkable.

And I don't defend any form of corruption or wrongdoings, but it's not right that you only associate New Labour with this 'political culture' you talk about. Most New Labourites are good, honest, hard-working social-democrats. You get corruption in all walks of life, including the far-left.

Re: The Crisis (#31)

Hi - we'll just have to agree to differ on the first point; obviously I disagree or I wouldn't have campaigned for his election.  We can both speculate about what would have happened, but we can only really analyse the reality of what HAS happened.

I associate New Labour with this particular political culture, yes - that was the thrust of my post (and I note that Alex, who comes from quite a different place politically than me, has suggested something similar in 'The Crisis II').  It is not that other political forms can't be corrupt/haven't been corrupt (I'm sure we can all point to shady union issues of the past, etc.) - but I do think that we can see the origins of this specific crisis back in the 90s.

Take a look at some of the quotations from Neal Lawson and Jonny Mendelsohn back in 98 with the Cash for Access scandal.  The way in which a move from ideology to pragmatism is presented not as a positive thing (which actually in many ways it could be, or could be so presented) but as meaning that ministers' judgement and analysis can essentially be bought.  I'm sure that Lawson and Mendelsohn were wrong, and most politicians (in all the main parties actually) are fundamentally decent and went into politics for basically decent reasons.  But I do think it's a serious problem that people close to the heart of New Labour saw it is as a business opportunity.

The other way in which I blame 'the project' for this is an entirely unintended one: I disagreed with New Labour people about eroding the union link, but I don't think they promoted it so that they could have secret or dodgy donations, I just think it was an unfortunate by-product of what they were promoting.  And I think some are close to compounding the mistake.

Re: The Crisis (#15)

I see a problem here.  Clearly some in the Labour party think all is well, and if we just carry on, then the public will come around to us in time.  Or if they don't then what we need to be is more radical in what were already focusing on.

It seems that these are the same people saying there is no parallel here to the Major government. 

I feel that the Tories traditionally played politics like a game.  They would do whatever was necessary to get back into/stay in Government, principles (apparently) be damned.  

This tradition was lost during Mrs. Thatchers government - because they felt they had come across some magic principled policy formula.  And they rigidly clung to these principles - free markets, anti-immigration, anti-europe, law and order, small government etc.  They clung to them and it took 3 general election defeats to shake it out of them.  

Cameron has re-learnt how to play the game: he is neutralising those principled Tory policies that people fear (private system for the NHS; tax cuts regardless of services); and is not talking much about policies people might not care too much about (Europe), and is instead talking most about things that he supports that the public might like (less regulation, 'unfair' taxes, conservation).

My thought is, maybe in 1994, Labour started playing the game, and it might be that we are about to forget that we were playing it.

These are just my thoughts.  The point I'm making is that those who want real change in policy focus are not simply leftists.  If we focus on implementing the 2010 Tory manifesto, we make Cameron's job much easier.

Re: The Crisis (#18)

I agree with a lot of what group51 is saying. Labour needs to take a lead in some important policy issues and start giving a clear idea of what we stand for. We know what we are about but I'm not sure the electorate does anymore.

At the moment there does not seem any terribly corrupt motive behind this. David Abrams could have given the money under his own name, he just did not want to. It's hard to see how this benefited him or why the party agreed to it beyond accepting his desire for privacy. So I think it's not a terminal case if we put our house in order.

The difficulty with an organisation like the Labour Party is that internal loyalty can sometimes obscure the need for rigorous self examination. The staff are hardworking and very dedicated but perhaps need critical friends at times to review and audit the way the organisation operates. Don't we all?